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| AsiaViews, Edition: 45/VI/February2010 |
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| M. Hatta Rajasa: “The Century case should not become a soap opera” |
IN Indonesia’s political constellation today, Hatta Rajasa is one of the top figures. One month ago at the National Mandate Party (PAN) congress in Batam, Riau Island, Hatta was chosen as party chairman. He also happens to be Coordinating Minister for the Economy, a key role in the cabinet of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Hatta’s close relations with President Yudhoyono are not something that can be covered up. During the last presidential elections, he was manager of the SBY-Boediono campaign. When the President was forming his cabinet, it was Hatta and Sudi Silalahi whom he constantly turned to.
“I don’t really have anything special over the other ministers,” said Hatta, refuting his close relations with the President.
His rise to politics has been meteoric. Hatta left his oil contracting business to go into politics in 1999, at the start of the reform era. He managed to get an important position in PAN. After two years as member of the House of Representatives (DPR), Hatta joined the government of President Megawati Soekarnoputri. When the administration changed, Hatta managed to stay on.
Two weeks ago, at his official residence, Hatta met with Tempo reporters Nugroho Dewanto, Sapto Pradityo and Irfan Budiman for an interview. He spoke openly about the 100-day cabinet, the DPR Special Committee on Bank Century, his close relations with President Yudhoyono and PAN affairs, and responded to charges made by George Junus Aditjondro in his book Guritno Cikeas. Excerpts:
During the first 100 days of this cabinet, it seemed to be more involved with the KPK and Bank Century cases.
Don’t regard this first 100-day program like a rocket to be launched, counting down from day 10 to five, three, two, one and go…This 100-day program is part of the government’s five-year program. More than 100 policies blocking the implementation of development programs have been resolved, through a quick-win, de-bottlenecking basic strategy that will enable us to forge ahead.
Such as?
The quick-win program, for example, involves the governments of East Kalimantan and Riau and their unfulfilled desire to build a power generator. Given their revenues from natural resources, they certainly can afford it. I have invited the banking industry, the state-owned electricity company, PLN, and the respective governors to sit down together and discuss possibilities. I asked that the programs be accelerated, because all those programs can be done. Another example is providing passports to domestics working overseas: why should they have to pay a fee? This is what often leads them to be in debt. So those fees must be eliminated.
What about the de-bottlenecking process?
This program is aimed at eliminating blockages. Let’s say an investor wants to build a toll road but he is unable to get the release from the owners, or the process takes a long time. We have improved all the regulations, starting from government-initiated regulations to presidential instructions and ministerial edicts. Thirdly, we worked on honing the basic strategies for the five years ahead. One example is the regulation on public-private partnership, which bans companies from selling their shares before the project is completed. As such, how can they get funding? That regulation has now been amended, allowing new investors to come in either before or after the toll road is completed.
The lizard-crocodile and Bank Century cases did not upset the cabinet?
The lizard-crocodile case is over. I hope the Bank Century case will soon be over too and not become a soap opera on television. It should be resolved according to the law. The guilty party should be penalized, but don’t blame the policy. I believe the policy was intended to save the Indonesian economy. I believe in the integrity of Sri Mulyani and Boediono.
What if it’s proven that they violated the law?
They can only be taken to court if there is evidence that they committed a crime.
Why does it look like they are being left alone without any support?
They are not being left on their own. That’s just public perception. All the ministers are solidly united. None of them will make any decision or make policies if they are blamed. Just imagine if we had an economic crisis now and no one dared to make a decision.
The government is supposed to be backed by the Democrat Party coalition and other political parties. But this coalition is not evident in the Special Committee currently looking into the Bank Century case?
We cannot control individuals, particularly when they are being televised. Something seems to make them stand on their own. But we are convinced the Bank Century case will be resolved soon.
Is the Special Committee hearing just a stage drama?
They would be upset to be described in that way. But once a party makes a decision, the others must follow suit. Once we join a coalition, we must be consistent about the consequences, and not be ambivalent.
As the former manager of the SBY-Boediono campaign, why didn’t you take part in ‘disciplining’ members of the coalition parties in the Special Committee?
Don’t say disciplining. I certainly communicate with their party leaders. As party leaders, we should know when to stop if the process starts to endanger the state’s interests.
What about the Special Committee’s plan to summon the President?
Summoning the President would be irrelevant to the Bank Century case. We reject that suggestion outright. Yes, the President is responsible for the state’s finances, but if one of his units or a project leader has made a mistake, why should the President be responsible for their actions.
Is it true there was an agreement between President SBY and Golkar Chairman Aburizal Bakrie to replace the Finance Minister?
I know well that is not true.
Did they meet at all?
There have been many meetings, but they never discussed that issue.
As a senior minister who is close to the President, you are seen by some people as the real Vice President.
That comment must stop right there. Pak Boediono is the Vice President, I am just a coordinating minister, even though that job comes with many tasks and responsibilities.
How did you become close to President Yudhoyono?
All ministers are close to the President, but since I was once the Minister/State Secretary which required me to be close to the President, the frequency of our meetings was high. So, the public sees me as being the closest to the President. I am nothing special compared to the other ministers. The President confides in all of his ministers.
Reportedly, it’s because you have many jokes in store?
No. How can my close relations with the President be based on jokes? We are unlikely to have ministers being with the President all the time because he’s a joker.
Or because you play golf often with the President?
Not really. He plays golf with many people.
What about your links with Powertel, as written by George Junus Aditjondro?
I have asked Transportation Minister Freddy Numberi to explain the issue and this has been done. First, there was never any credit from China to construct railway tracks. Second, Powertel never got any projects from the Transportation Department, let alone provide electric trains. How am I connected to that? Powertel is not even registered with the Transportation Department. So that book is 1,000 percent gossip.
Is George Junus’s book important or should it just be ignored?
I think people can read the book. It should not be banned. But first, there must be moral accountability. Second, there must be accountability over its facts. If the contents are full of errors, it should be admitted. It would be a nuisance if every time someone writes irresponsibly he or she is reported to the police. But if someone is defamed, we have the right to fight back, including reporting the writer to the police.
What really happened with the train that was donated by Japan?
The train project was fully a project of a unit in the Transportation Department. It was worth Rp20 billion. The question that later emerged was why we kept paying, particularly since it was supposed to be donated by Japan. I asked the project to be temporarily stopped, then I asked the BPKP (Development Finance Controller) to audit it. Not one single rupiah was to be paid out before the BPKP audit was completed. But before the audit got underway, I was moved to the State Secretariat.
The National Mandate Party claims to be a reformist party but why did its congress in Batam elect you by acclamation and not by voting?
Voting through consensus does not mean it is undemocratic. I myself would have preferred the process to end with voting.
What really happened then?
Out of the 33 PAN regional representatives, 29 indicated they supported me, two gave their votes to Dradjad and two others abstained. Why then the acclamation? Because in the evening just before the vote, I was summoned by Pak Amien [Rais] and I was told that Dradjad was withdrawing from the race.
How did you respond?
I always respect people’s choice, even though every time I travel to the provinces, I always tell people acclamation is not my choice. But I cannot prevent anyone from withdrawing from the race. But Dradjad did, then he told me he supported me. Well, that means there was no other choice. Voting could not be carried out. There was no pressure from anyone.
No pressure from Amien Rais?
Not at all. I know how the process works.
Was Dradjad’s appointment as deputy chairman of the party a compromise? Aren’t you and Dradjad frequently on opposite sides of the fence?
I spoke with Dradjad. We can debate on anything, but once the party makes its decision, we must comply with that decision. The party congress determined that the party will join the coalition supporting the government. This does not mean PAN should let go of its critical stance. If the coalition is seen as friendly, of course we will speak out when something is wrong. As for Dradjad’s withdrawal, after the race, no one else ran. After the race was over, everyone returned to the party. However, even though everyone entered the big ship, there is only one captain.
People’s impression of PAN is that it is still dependent on Amien Rais.
Amien no longer interferes with party affairs. As Chairman of the PAN Consultative Council, Pak Amien provides advice where there is something wrong. This is not interference. He now encourages young party members to be active. He listens more than he talks. So, it’s not like he controls the party.
PAN is aiming for a double-digit win in the 2014 elections. How will you do that?
By working hard, PAN hopes to break through the 20 percentage point win. PAN represents the middle party. It is inclusive and does not leave behind its traditional masses but continues to establish new bases.
When you ran as party chairman did you ask for the President’s blessing?
If the question is whether I asked his blessing because he forbids his cabinet minister to be a politician, I don’t think so. You must differentiate me as a minister helping his president, complying with state regulations and the other me, who is a member of a political party to which I must comply with its regulations as well. There is a big difference.
*****
Biodata
Place & Date of Birth
Palembang, South Sumatra, December 18, 1953
Education
Science of Petroleum, Bandung Institute of Technology (1980)
Professional Career
- Chairman, National Mandate Party (PAN—2010-to date)
- Coordinating Minister for the Economy (2009-to date)
- Minister/State Secretary (2007-2009)
- Transportation Minister (2004-07)
- State Minister for Research & Technology (2001-04)
- PAN Secretary-General (2000-2005)
- Chairman, PAN Reform Faction at the DPR (1999-2000)
- CEO, PT Arthindo Utama (1982-2000)
- Deputy Manager for Technical Affairs, PT Meta Epsi (1980-1983) |
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| By Nugroho Dewanto, Sapto Pradityo and Irfan Budiman |
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| Tempo, No. 23/XI/03-09 February 2010 |
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